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Population as a spur to economic growth Population growth was crucially important to industrialisation: it provided an expanding supply of cheap labour especially juvenile labour. Because the population was growing rapidly, family size and the number of dependants in families grew. Children aged between 5 and 14 accounted for almost a quarter of the population (compared with around 5% today) and these children could not be supported by adults of working age, hence the extensive employment of juveniles and children at this time. Surplus population in rural areas gradually migrated, mostly into nearby villages and towns, and provided a labour force for urban and industrial expansion. |
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| Alongside proletarianisation and growing wage dependency, population growth was also the foundation for expansion of the domestic market for manufactured goods and services. As population grew and more families turned away from rural subsistence and self sufficiency to wage earning, a dynamic home market was created which underpinned the transformation of the economy. Families bought pottery plates instead of making their own with wood or rushes, they bought wax candles instead of spending long hours melting tallow, they bought more of their cloth and clothing, furniture and household linens and they spent money on butter, cheese, milk, eggs and other everyday food needs all of which had earlier been largely a product of self provisioning. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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"Since the steam engine has concentrated men into particular localities - has drawn together the population into dense masses - and since an imperfect education has enlarged and to some degree distorted their views, union is become easy and from being so closely packed, simultaneous action is readily excited. The organisation of these working class societies is now so complete that they form an empire within an empire of the most obnoxious description. Labour and capital are coming into collision - the operative and the master are at issue, and the peace and well being of the kingdom are at stake." Peter Gaskell, letter to Lord Melbourne, 1834 |
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Living standards and poverty One of the liveliest debates amongst historians of the industrial revolution concerns what happened to living standards. Our popular image of the period is dominated by |
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| long hours of factory work in poor conditions coupled with ill health, high mortality and overcrowding in the rapidly growing towns. Certainly there was suffering as a result of the changes in industry and employment and because urban development and improvement failed to keep up with population growth and migration. Technological changes, and economic instability resulted in high unemployment and low wages for many, particularly amongst agricultural workers whose opportunities for work on the land . | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| were declining, and those in trades, such as handloom weaving, which were becoming mechanised. The numbers dependent upon poor relief rose markedly. Rents and food prices rocketed and the quality of food supplies in towns was aggravated by the difficulties of supplying adequate amounts of milk, fish and fresh fruit before the railway age, and by uncontrolled adulteration and profiteering. The war years aggravated the situation as taxes on everyday essentials were increased. Studies of heights and weights in the period suggest that the generations raised during the early decades of the industrial revolution may have had weak stature, caused by poor nutrition. The industrial revolution was thus achieved at considerable human cost and there was a great deal of social protest from the Luddite riots during the Napoleonic War years to the massive Chartist demonstrations of the 1830s and 1840s. Historians have identified this as a period which saw the birth of a new class-divided society analysed in the E. P. Thompson classic, The making of the English working class (1963) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Note
giving information about alleged Chartist activities in Halifax 1839
Source: West Yorkshire Archive Service, Halifax HAS: 1388/15 |
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| Tension was aggravated because the entrepreneurial middle classes generally did very well. But many skilled workers also found themselves in great demand whilst others with old and redundant skills sunk into poverty. In some areas of the country family incomes were boosted by the earnings of women and children and factory wages were usually higher than wages in domestic industry. Despite some very bad epidemics of cholera and typhoid in the cities, mortality was generally on the decline. Thus experiences were mixed but food prices were very high and on average it appears that living standards before the 1830s and 1840s were declining for the working classes. In the longer run things slowly improved. The economy and job opportunities expanded, urban conditions and food supplies began to improve and average wages were increasing in real terms by the mid nineteenth century. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| The burden of increasing poor relief payments was much discussed by contemporaries. The Old poor law had been established in Elizabethan times enabling parishes to raise rates and to address the problems of their own poor by being flexible to local needs. As the problems of poverty rose in the later eighteenth and early nineteenth century this system of relief came to be seen as part of the problem itself: encouraging both claimants and population growth amongst the poor. The Revd.Thomas Malthus (who wrote the influential An Essay on the principle of population in 1798) argued that wage subsidies to the able bodied poor encouraged people to lack self reliance and to marry and have children when they could not afford to do so. It was argued that poor relief needed to be less generous and to be more strictly rationed to the deserving poor: those | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Women's
Wage Rates, 1760s (compared to local male wage rates in agriculture).
Adapted from: Maxine Berg, The Age of Manufactures 1700-1820,
p. 143.
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| unable to work through old age or ill health. This philosophy became enshrined in the New Poor Law passed in 1834. This law demanded that Parish unions built workhouses for the poor in which conditions were bad enough to act as a disincentive for claiming assistance. Relief paid in the form of doles was to cease. In practice the new system took time to introduce and it was resisted in those parts of the country, such as Lancashire, where it was obvious that the able bodied often found themselves destitute for reasons beyond their control, such as cyclical unemployment. Supporters of the new law saw it as a great success because poor relief spending was falling by the 1840s. However, by this time the economy was becoming more stable and internationally successful so that there was lower unemployment and higher wages. This was the real reason why the crisis of poor relief was averted. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||